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PLAINS, Ga. AP 鈥?Johnny Jones found out about Jimmy Carter death within a matter of minutes. That how it works in a small town, even for a former U.S. president and Nobel Peace Prize winner known throughout the world. Somebody texted my wife and told her about it 鈥?thats when I found out, Jones said Monday, a day after the 39th president died at the age of 100, surrounded by family in the one-story house he and his late wife, Rosalynn, built before he launched his first political campaign more than 60 years ago. His presence here i [url=https://www.stanley-de.de]stanley cup[/url] n Plains has really boosted the morale of everyone who lives here, said Jones, 85, as he recalled warm exchanges with Mr. Jimmy and Ms. Rosalynn, who died in November 2023.Indeed, the Carters put this town of fewer than 700 people 鈥?not much bigger than when Carter was born Oct. 1, 1924 鈥?on the world stage. His remarkable rise to the White House, landslide defeat in 1980 and rehabilitation thereafter as a freelance diplomat and global humanitarian were reflected Monday in tributes from Plains ; residents and around the world.Not far from where Jones sat on his front porch, black ribbons hung alongside U.S. flags flying in front of the souvenir shops and cafes that make up the nucleus of Plains ; main street, which spans just a few blocks from Carter 1976 presidential campaign headquarters 鈥?[url=https://www.stanley-cups.com.de]stanley de[/url] the old train depot 鈥?to where the family once operated its peanut ware [url=https://www.stanleycup.com.es]botellas stanley[/url] houses. TV cameras and news trucks lined the st Tzxb U.S. Marine who vanished in Iraq found guilty of desertion
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A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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Burgess was among the earliest women to work with the FBI and a key member of what was known as the bureau’s Behavioral Science Unit in the late ’70s.

That team has since been dubbed “Mindhunters” because they willingly delve into the darkest parts of the human psyche to better understand what motivates a murderer. What they uncover could make even the most hardened detectives blanch.

And while criminal profiling is not an exact science, it is a method investigators increasingly lean on to identify warning signs of a would-be killer.

CNN spoke to former profilers – all women like Dr. Burgess who worked with the FBI – who have pioneered and practiced ways to connect the dots between evidence and psychology to help solve and prevent crimes.

“You start very slowly,” the now 88-year-old told CNN of her approach with Menendez. “You start with, ‘How far back can you remember?’ … and gradually get up to, ‘When did you first have this idea of what you wanted to do to your parents?’”

Burgess said she spent 50 hours interviewing Menendez and, as she recounts in her latest book, she was later called as an “expert witness” to testify about how Erik and Lyle’s decision to confront their father over what they alleged was years of sexual abuse could have provoked enough fear for them to commit a double murder.

She’s since been accused of profiling Menendez as a way to excuse or justify the brothers’ crimes, but Burgess staunchly rejects that characterization.

“You’ve got to do it for prevention,” she said. “You have to learn something from this.”

That, she says, is the question that drives most criminal profilers: How can we prevent the next murder?

A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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Burgess was among the earliest women to work with the FBI and a key member of what was known as the bureau’s Behavioral Science Unit in the late ’70s.

That team has since been dubbed “Mindhunters” because they willingly delve into the darkest parts of the human psyche to better understand what motivates a murderer. What they uncover could make even the most hardened detectives blanch.

And while criminal profiling is not an exact science, it is a method investigators increasingly lean on to identify warning signs of a would-be killer.

CNN spoke to former profilers – all women like Dr. Burgess who worked with the FBI – who have pioneered and practiced ways to connect the dots between evidence and psychology to help solve and prevent crimes.

“You start very slowly,” the now 88-year-old told CNN of her approach with Menendez. “You start with, ‘How far back can you remember?’ … and gradually get up to, ‘When did you first have this idea of what you wanted to do to your parents?’”

Burgess said she spent 50 hours interviewing Menendez and, as she recounts in her latest book, she was later called as an “expert witness” to testify about how Erik and Lyle’s decision to confront their father over what they alleged was years of sexual abuse could have provoked enough fear for them to commit a double murder.

She’s since been accused of profiling Menendez as a way to excuse or justify the brothers’ crimes, but Burgess staunchly rejects that characterization.

“You’ve got to do it for prevention,” she said. “You have to learn something from this.”

That, she says, is the question that drives most criminal profilers: How can we prevent the next murder?

The Oktoberfest beer festival in Munich will remain shut on Wednesday until at least 5 pm (1500 GMT) after police said they discovered explosives in a residential building in the north of the city that caught fire and left one person dead.
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As part of a major operation that police earlier said posed no danger to the public, special forces were investigating an area in the north of Munich where Bild newspaper and multiple other reports said shots and explosions had been heard.
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Police said the residential building had been deliberately set on fire in a family dispute and one person who was found there had died and another was missing, but not believed to be in danger.
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Special forces had to be brought in to defuse booby traps found in the building, according to police.

“We are currently investigating all possibilities. Possible connections to other locations in Munich are being examined, including the Theresienwiese (where the Oktoberfest is located),” said Munich police on the WhatsApp messaging service.

“For this reason, the opening of the festival grounds has been delayed,” police added.

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It’s no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. He’s repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a “woke” agenda designed to erase history.

But one surprising team has really gotten the president’s attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.

The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
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The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trump’s Department of Education intervened on the district’s behalf, claiming the state’s mascot ban is itself discriminatory.

Massapequa’s Chiefs logo — an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress — is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
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The district is now a key “battleground,” said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.

The Trump administration claims New York’s mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin — teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.

The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police “reverse discrimination” and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.

“Our goal is to assist nationally,” Roberts said. “It’s us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our country’s history and tradition.”
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It’s no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. He’s repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a “woke” agenda designed to erase history.

But one surprising team has really gotten the president’s attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.

The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
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The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trump’s Department of Education intervened on the district’s behalf, claiming the state’s mascot ban is itself discriminatory.

Massapequa’s Chiefs logo — an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress — is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
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The district is now a key “battleground,” said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.

The Trump administration claims New York’s mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin — teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.

The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police “reverse discrimination” and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.

“Our goal is to assist nationally,” Roberts said. “It’s us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our country’s history and tradition.”
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The directives largely roll back efforts made over the last decade attempting to eradicate toxic culture in the military, both to decrease harmful behaviors like harassment, but also to meet practical needs of getting people in uniform and keeping them there longer as the military branches faced years of struggles filling the ranks.
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Many major reforms were described by the officials who implemented them as driven by that need; when former Defense Secretary Ash Carter opened up combat roles to women in 2015, he said the military “cannot afford to cut ourselves off from half the country’s talents and skills” if it wanted to succeed in national defense.
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And while the military had made changes in recent years in an attempt to lessen instances of harassment, discrimination or toxic leadership by creating reporting mechanisms so that troops would come forward, Hegseth said those efforts went too far and were undercutting commanders.

“The definition of ‘toxic’ has been turned upside down, and we’re correcting that,” Hegseth vowed on Tuesday, adding that the Defense Department would be undertaking a review of words like “hazing” and “bullying” which he said had been “weaponized.”
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It’s no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. He’s repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a “woke” agenda designed to erase history.

But one surprising team has really gotten the president’s attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.

The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
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The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trump’s Department of Education intervened on the district’s behalf, claiming the state’s mascot ban is itself discriminatory.

Massapequa’s Chiefs logo — an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress — is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
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The district is now a key “battleground,” said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.

The Trump administration claims New York’s mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin — teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.

The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police “reverse discrimination” and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.

“Our goal is to assist nationally,” Roberts said. “It’s us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our country’s history and tradition.”
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A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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трипскан сайт
Burgess was among the earliest women to work with the FBI and a key member of what was known as the bureau’s Behavioral Science Unit in the late ’70s.

That team has since been dubbed “Mindhunters” because they willingly delve into the darkest parts of the human psyche to better understand what motivates a murderer. What they uncover could make even the most hardened detectives blanch.

And while criminal profiling is not an exact science, it is a method investigators increasingly lean on to identify warning signs of a would-be killer.

CNN spoke to former profilers – all women like Dr. Burgess who worked with the FBI – who have pioneered and practiced ways to connect the dots between evidence and psychology to help solve and prevent crimes.

“You start very slowly,” the now 88-year-old told CNN of her approach with Menendez. “You start with, ‘How far back can you remember?’ … and gradually get up to, ‘When did you first have this idea of what you wanted to do to your parents?’”

Burgess said she spent 50 hours interviewing Menendez and, as she recounts in her latest book, she was later called as an “expert witness” to testify about how Erik and Lyle’s decision to confront their father over what they alleged was years of sexual abuse could have provoked enough fear for them to commit a double murder.

She’s since been accused of profiling Menendez as a way to excuse or justify the brothers’ crimes, but Burgess staunchly rejects that characterization.

“You’ve got to do it for prevention,” she said. “You have to learn something from this.”

That, she says, is the question that drives most criminal profilers: How can we prevent the next murder?

A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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Burgess was among the earliest women to work with the FBI and a key member of what was known as the bureau’s Behavioral Science Unit in the late ’70s.

That team has since been dubbed “Mindhunters” because they willingly delve into the darkest parts of the human psyche to better understand what motivates a murderer. What they uncover could make even the most hardened detectives blanch.

And while criminal profiling is not an exact science, it is a method investigators increasingly lean on to identify warning signs of a would-be killer.

CNN spoke to former profilers – all women like Dr. Burgess who worked with the FBI – who have pioneered and practiced ways to connect the dots between evidence and psychology to help solve and prevent crimes.

“You start very slowly,” the now 88-year-old told CNN of her approach with Menendez. “You start with, ‘How far back can you remember?’ … and gradually get up to, ‘When did you first have this idea of what you wanted to do to your parents?’”

Burgess said she spent 50 hours interviewing Menendez and, as she recounts in her latest book, she was later called as an “expert witness” to testify about how Erik and Lyle’s decision to confront their father over what they alleged was years of sexual abuse could have provoked enough fear for them to commit a double murder.

She’s since been accused of profiling Menendez as a way to excuse or justify the brothers’ crimes, but Burgess staunchly rejects that characterization.

“You’ve got to do it for prevention,” she said. “You have to learn something from this.”

That, she says, is the question that drives most criminal profilers: How can we prevent the next murder?

A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
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A month after Lyle and Erik Menendez were arrested for brutally slaying their parents inside their Beverly Hills home, Dr. Ann Burgess entered the Los Angeles County Jail with a stack of blank paper and a set of colored pencils.

It was April 1990, and the maelstrom around Jose and Kitty Menendez’s double murder – and the brothers’ forthcoming trial – had reached a fever pitch. News articles described the crime scene in gory, painstaking detail. Prosecutors and tabloids portrayed the brothers as greedy, calculated, cold-blooded killers.
http://trip-skan45.cc
трипскан сайт
Burgess was among the earliest women to work with the FBI and a key member of what was known as the bureau’s Behavioral Science Unit in the late ’70s.

That team has since been dubbed “Mindhunters” because they willingly delve into the darkest parts of the human psyche to better understand what motivates a murderer. What they uncover could make even the most hardened detectives blanch.

And while criminal profiling is not an exact science, it is a method investigators increasingly lean on to identify warning signs of a would-be killer.

CNN spoke to former profilers – all women like Dr. Burgess who worked with the FBI – who have pioneered and practiced ways to connect the dots between evidence and psychology to help solve and prevent crimes.

“You start very slowly,” the now 88-year-old told CNN of her approach with Menendez. “You start with, ‘How far back can you remember?’ … and gradually get up to, ‘When did you first have this idea of what you wanted to do to your parents?’”

Burgess said she spent 50 hours interviewing Menendez and, as she recounts in her latest book, she was later called as an “expert witness” to testify about how Erik and Lyle’s decision to confront their father over what they alleged was years of sexual abuse could have provoked enough fear for them to commit a double murder.

She’s since been accused of profiling Menendez as a way to excuse or justify the brothers’ crimes, but Burgess staunchly rejects that characterization.

“You’ve got to do it for prevention,” she said. “You have to learn something from this.”

That, she says, is the question that drives most criminal profilers: How can we prevent the next murder?

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Lying down and vomiting between courses: This is how Ancient Romans would feast
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Imagine, if you will, the most glorious festive feast, with an oversize turkey, stuffing two ways, holiday ham, the requisite fixings and at least half a dozen pies and cakes. That may all sound grand — that is, until you consider the extravagant displays of the ancient Roman banquet.

Members of the Roman upper classes regularly indulged in lavish, hours-long feasts that served to broadcast their wealth and status in ways that eclipse our notions of a resplendent meal. “Eating was the supreme act of civilization and celebration of life,” said Alberto Jori, professor of ancient philosophy at the University of Ferrara in Italy.
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Ancient Romans enjoyed sweet and salty concoctions. Lagane, a rustic short pasta usually served with chickpeas, was also used to make a honey cake with fresh ricotta cheese. The Romans used garum, a pungent, salty fermented fish sauce for umami flavor in all dishes, even as a dessert topping. (For context, garum has a similar flavor profile and composition to current-day Asian fish sauces such as Vietnam’s nuoc mam and Thailand’s nam pla.) The prized condiment was made by leaving fish meat, blood and guts to ferment inside containers under the Mediterranean sun.
Game meat such as venison, wild boar, rabbit and pheasant along with seafood like raw oysters, shellfish and lobster were just some of the pricey foods that made regular appearances at the Roman banquet.

What’s more, hosts played a game of one-upmanship by serving over-the-top, exotic dishes like parrot tongue stew and stuffed dormouse. “Dormouse was a delicacy that farmers fattened up for months inside pots and then sold at markets,” Jori said. “While huge quantities of parrots were killed to have enough tongues to make fricassee.”
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Giorgio Franchetti, a food historian and scholar of ancient Roman history, recovered lost recipes from these repasts, which he shares in “Dining With the Ancient Romans,” written with “archaeo-cook” Cristina Conte. Together, the duo organize dining experiences at archaeological sites in Italy that give guests a taste of what eating like a Roman noble was all about. These cultural tours also delve into the eyebrow-raising rituals that accompanied these meals.

The Oktoberfest beer festival in Munich will remain shut on Wednesday until at least 5 pm (1500 GMT) after police said they discovered explosives in a residential building in the north of the city that caught fire and left one person dead.
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As part of a major operation that police earlier said posed no danger to the public, special forces were investigating an area in the north of Munich where Bild newspaper and multiple other reports said shots and explosions had been heard.
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Police said the residential building had been deliberately set on fire in a family dispute and one person who was found there had died and another was missing, but not believed to be in danger.
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Special forces had to be brought in to defuse booby traps found in the building, according to police.

“We are currently investigating all possibilities. Possible connections to other locations in Munich are being examined, including the Theresienwiese (where the Oktoberfest is located),” said Munich police on the WhatsApp messaging service.

“For this reason, the opening of the festival grounds has been delayed,” police added.

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The directives largely roll back efforts made over the last decade attempting to eradicate toxic culture in the military, both to decrease harmful behaviors like harassment, but also to meet practical needs of getting people in uniform and keeping them there longer as the military branches faced years of struggles filling the ranks.
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Many major reforms were described by the officials who implemented them as driven by that need; when former Defense Secretary Ash Carter opened up combat roles to women in 2015, he said the military “cannot afford to cut ourselves off from half the country’s talents and skills” if it wanted to succeed in national defense.
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And while the military had made changes in recent years in an attempt to lessen instances of harassment, discrimination or toxic leadership by creating reporting mechanisms so that troops would come forward, Hegseth said those efforts went too far and were undercutting commanders.

“The definition of ‘toxic’ has been turned upside down, and we’re correcting that,” Hegseth vowed on Tuesday, adding that the Defense Department would be undertaking a review of words like “hazing” and “bullying” which he said had been “weaponized.”
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It’s no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. He’s repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a “woke” agenda designed to erase history.

But one surprising team has really gotten the president’s attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.

The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
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The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trump’s Department of Education intervened on the district’s behalf, claiming the state’s mascot ban is itself discriminatory.

Massapequa’s Chiefs logo — an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress — is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
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The district is now a key “battleground,” said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.

The Trump administration claims New York’s mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin — teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.

The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police “reverse discrimination” and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.

“Our goal is to assist nationally,” Roberts said. “It’s us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our country’s history and tradition.”
kra39 at
https://kra---40--cc.ru

It’s no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. He’s repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a “woke” agenda designed to erase history.

But one surprising team has really gotten the president’s attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.

The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
kra40 at
The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trump’s Department of Education intervened on the district’s behalf, claiming the state’s mascot ban is itself discriminatory.

Massapequa’s Chiefs logo — an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress — is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
kra39
The district is now a key “battleground,” said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.

The Trump administration claims New York’s mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin — teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.

The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police “reverse discrimination” and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.

“Our goal is to assist nationally,” Roberts said. “It’s us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our country’s history and tradition.”
kra38 cc
https://kra40cc.net

It’s no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. He’s repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a “woke” agenda designed to erase history.

But one surprising team has really gotten the president’s attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.

The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
kra38
The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trump’s Department of Education intervened on the district’s behalf, claiming the state’s mascot ban is itself discriminatory.

Massapequa’s Chiefs logo — an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress — is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
kra40
The district is now a key “battleground,” said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.

The Trump administration claims New York’s mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin — teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.

The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police “reverse discrimination” and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.

“Our goal is to assist nationally,” Roberts said. “It’s us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our country’s history and tradition.”
kra40 сс
https://kra40at.net